• Testimony of Joshua M. Drumming, Policy and Advocacy Attorney, Brittany K. Ruffin, Legal Director,
    Systemic Advocacy and Litigation, and Charisse Lue, Policy and Advocacy Attorney, The Washington
    Legal Clinic for the Homeless

    October 29, 2025

    Since 1987, the Legal Clinic has worked towards a just and inclusive community for all residents
    of the District of Columbia–where housing is a human right and where every individual and family have
    equal access to the resources that they need to thrive.

    A series of executive orders and statements issued by the federal administration this year have
    caused confusion and fear for D.C. residents. Residents have become targets simply due to their race
    and/or ethnicity, perceived immigration status, and unhoused status—traits that are protected under
    D.C. Human Rights Act. Federal government actions have increased law enforcement presence on D.C.’s
    streets and heightened the vulnerability of unhoused residents. However, D.C. government’s
    cooperation with the federal government has aided and exacerbated the fear and confusion felt by its
    residents.

    The Bowser Administration and federal government have continued to escalate efforts to
    displace unhoused community members and clear encampments, causing displacement, trauma, and a
    disconnect with service providers. Encampment evictions are inhumane, dangerous, and prompted (at
    least, in part) by complaints from housed residents about the presence of those who are experiencing
    homeless in their neighborhoods. Many D.C. clearings are determined to be “public health and safety
    risks” and executed without adequate notice, clear metrics, or transparent policies justifying the
    categorization. Long before the newest federal administration, we saw an increase in the application of
    these types of encampment clearings (“immediate dispositions”) that depart from D.C.’s standard
    encampment clearing protocol of providing written notice in advance of a scheduled clearing. D.C.’s
    standard encampment clearing notice requirement was fourteen (14) days prior to earlier this year. In
    early 2026, however, D.C. suddenly changed its standard encampment clearing protocol to reduce the
    notice requirement to only seven (7) days.

    In March of this year, immediately following presidential statements and executive orders
    referencing those experiencing homelessness, DMHHS suspiciously expedited an E Street encampment
    clearing without standard advanced notice. Though notice was given a day before, DMHHS denied it was
    an “immediate disposition,” the only way that an encampment can be cleared with less than the
    requisite seven days of notice under D.C.’s protocol. Later, DMMHS curiously and retroactively claimed
    it was an immediate disposition. The circumstances surrounding the clearing certainly suggest that there
    were other influences involved in D.C.’s decision. The E Street encampment clearing is only one early
    instance of the chaos that federal interference and D.C. cooperation has caused. Of course, the clearest
    instances of D.C. local and federal cooperation came after Executive Order 14333: Declaring a Crime
    Emergency in the District of Columbia and Executive Order 14339: Additional Measures to Address the
    Crime Emergency in the District of Columbia. These executive orders entangled D.C. government/ local
    law enforcement with federal law enforcement in a way that still leaves community members
    questioning the cooperation.

    In August, community members and organizations that support those experiencing
    homelessness rallied to protect unhoused D.C. residents from potential harm after it was indicated that
    federal law enforcement would be randomly targeting D.C.’s unhoused encampment communities.
    Unhoused community members and their advocates did not know what to expect or what
    consequences would come from any law enforcement interaction at encampment sites. D.C.
    government cooperated with the clearing of encampment sites, even when their involvement conflicted
    with their own notices/D.C. policy. While the extreme levels of fear and disorder that D.C.‘s unhoused
    community and advocates felt in August have minimized slightly, residents cannot be assured of their
    safety or protection by D.C. government as long as the Bowser Administration continues to cooperate
    with federal efforts to disrupt our local community and frustrate local protections.

    D.C. government should not be coordinating with the federal government for encampment
    policing. D.C. must ensure that it is not sharing data or other information with those seeking to violate
    human rights and harm community members. D.C. government must demonstrate a clear commitment
    to protecting its most vulnerable residents and upholding its own laws. Erasing the visibility of
    homelessness does not erase homelessness. The solution to homelessness is housing, not further
    displacement and dispossession.

    For a joint letter of organizations, including The Washington Legal Clinic for the Homeless,
    expressing disappointment with the Bowser Administration cooperation and other relevant accounts of
    the harm of the August encampment clearings and recent federal interference/cooperation, we submit
    the following articles and statements below:

    https://www.legalclinic.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/Joint-Letter-from-DC-Orgs-in-Response-toBowsers-Federal-Intrustion-Praise.pdf

    https://www.cnn.com/2025/08/14/politics/washington-dc-homeless-trump

    https://streetsensemedia.org/article/encampment-clearings-begin-after-trump-orders-federaltakeover-of-mpd/

    https://www.legalclinic.org/d-c-stands-strong-against-trump-administrations-escalated-attacks-againstunhoused-d-c-residents/

    https://www.legalclinic.org/press-release-unlawful-arrests-and-forced-displacement-of-homeless-dcresidents-expected-as-soon-as-tonight

  • Testimony of Charisse Lue, Attorney and Brittany K. Ruffin, Legal Director, Systemic Advocacy,
    The Washington Legal Clinic for the Homeless

    October 28, 2025

    Since 1987 the Legal Clinic has worked towards a just and inclusive community for all
    residents of the District of Columbia– where housing is human rights and where every individual
    and family have equal access to the resources that they need to thrive.
    The Washington Legal Clinic for the Homeless is pleased to see the introduction of the
    Rent Stabilization Protection Amendment Act of 2025. This legislation moves D.C. a step
    forward in addressing its affordability crisis and increasing access to safe and affordable housing
    by closing a harmful loophole that exempts units subsidized by the government from rent
    stabilization laws. This is a necessary step to fulfilling D.C.’s goal of increasing housing choices,
    opportunities, and affordability for D.C. residents.

    In general, we support the removal of the rent stabilization exemption for any residential
    property that is federally, and D.C. government assisted. Current law frustrates D.C. affordability
    efforts and incentivizes income discrimination, in violation of both D.C. Human Rights Act and
    the Eviction Record Sealing and Fairness in Renting Amendment Act. Source of income
    discrimination is unlawful; landlords must accept applicants in a way that complies with law.
    The current exemption perpetuates the perception that renting to government subsidy recipients
    is an option instead of a legal obligation. Landlords should not need an incentive to follow the
    law. Additionally, the Council should not delay ending this exemption for month-to-month leases
    to October 2027 as many voucher-holders and government subsidized units hold month-to-
    month leases. It is unclear the reason behind the delay to remove the exemption for month-tomonth leases instead of applying the law equally and universally to all rental properties and units
    that qualify at once. As stated, the rent stabilization exemption for subsidized units frustrates
    affordability for low-income D.C. residents and that includes those under a month-to-month
    lease. To avoid confusion and provide better access to affordable housing for D.C. residents the
    council should not delay removing the exemption.

    D.C. was recently cited as having the most dramatic wealth gap in the nation which is
    compounded with racial disparities that are similarly grim. Closing loopholes in our consumer
    protection laws and housing policies that incentivize predatory and discriminatory practices by
    landlords is crucial to eliminate these shameful and preventable disparities. The Washington
    Legal Clinic for the Homeless appreciates that, through this legislation, D.C. Council is listening
    to the concerns of DCHA residents, community members, advocates, and HUD. We look
    forward to collaborating with the Council to further expand access to affordable housing while
    increasing and safeguarding precious housing resources

  • Testimony of Brittany K. Ruffin, Legal Director, Systemic Advocacy and Litigation; Charisse Lue, Staff
    Attorney; Joshua Drumming, Staff Attorney; Amber Harding, Executive Director, The Washington Legal
    Clinic for the Homeless

    June 18, 2025

    Since 1987, the Legal Clinic has worked towards a just and inclusive community for all residents
    of the District of Columbia–where housing is a human right and where every individual and family has
    equal access to the resources that they need to thrive.

    Over the years, we have seen two categories of harmful responses when D.C. elected leaders
    claim, rightfully or not, that there are not enough resources to meet the pressing needs in the
    community: 1) cuts or underfunding of housing and human services programs, and 2) tightening of
    eligibility or reduction in legal rights of participants in those programs. Both of those responses reduce
    the number of people served without reducing the number of people in need of services, causing harm
    to D.C. residents. The Legal Clinic continues to advance advocacy that centers housing, economic, and
    racial justice for D.C. residents and promotes strong legal protections and enforcement. Even when
    resources are limited, we endeavor to uplift the real and full need of the low-income, and primarily
    Black, community members who struggle the most to survive and maintain their lives in D.C.
    Funding for human services and housing is (and should be) a significant percentage of D.C.’s
    budget because they are significant and critical resources for D.C. residents—and, even still, the funding
    supply is not currently enough to meet the demand. The funds and programs that keep people alive,
    protected, fed, and housed cannot continue to be the first and primary service provisions to be
    ransacked when cuts are on the horizon. D.C. residents deserve better. D.C. Council must resist reducing
    funds and programs that serve D.C.’s most marginalized residents. Instead, D.C. Council must fund the
    programs that support the lowest-income residents.

    Housing Vouchers


    To end homelessness and combat the lack of affordable housing, D.C. must fund and utilize all of the
    diverse types of vouchers available. This budget adds very few vouchers despite vouchers being among
    the most effective means of ending homelessness. The administration’s practice of underfunding DHS and
    utilizing funding for other things has led to a massive reduction in housing resources for residents that
    desperately need them. D.C. Council must ensure that DHS and DCHA have the requisite staffing and
    coordination for participants to be quickly identified and approved for permanent housing resources and
    to swiftly lease up.

    After a few years of no voucher investment by the mayor, we appreciate that the mayor’s FY26 budget
    includes some voucher investment. However, we know that D.C. needs a greater number and diversity of
    vouchers to successfully meet the needs of those experiencing homelessness, for individuals and families.
    D.C. Council must commit to funding more than the 156 PSH vouchers for D.C.’s unhoused community.
    Last budget season, in an effort to minimize the harm caused by DHS and stop homelessness for
    participants, D.C. Council funded 325 Permanent Supportive Housing (PSH) vouchers, but a lack of budget
    transparency from DHS reduced this number to only thirty-eight (38). That cannot happen again.
    Additionally, PSH is a necessary, but high-barrier program. If the 156 vouchers are exclusively earmarked
    for those being exited from FRSP, some of those may need to be converted to other vouchers to be
    accessible to current FRSP families. The Mayor’s allocation of D.C. Flex for RRH families is a waste of funds
    and should be converted to permanent vouchers because D.C. Flex will not maintain housing for any
    families that do not have substantial income.

    We, along with our coalition partners, request the FY26 budget meet the full housing needs of D.C.
    residents by funding enough vouchers to permanently house approximately 6,000 households.


    Specifically, we are asking for the following:

    RRH

    The Rapid Re-Housing Program (RRH) has exacerbated housing insecurity through poor program
    implementation and administration. Ninety-seven (97%) percent of its participants are unable to afford
    rent upon program exit and it has failed to reliably evaluate participants for permanent programs in
    which to transfer. Data shows that eighteen (18%) percent of new family shelter entries came from
    Rapid Re-Housing. Without any targeted educational/job training or job placement, families in Rapid ReHousing only saw a fourteen percent increase in their incomes over the course of their time in the
    program and individuals in Rapid Re-Housing actually saw their incomes fall by ten percent while in the
    program. Neither group can afford market rent at the conclusion of their participation. The Mayor’s
    budget guts the Rapid Re-Housing program and does nothing to offset the damage. This will increase
    D.C. homelessness.

    Last year, DHS began terminating 3,000 families for reaching an arbitrary twelve-month time limit.
    Hundreds have lost their subsidy and even more would have without the right to appeal their
    termination, but for the roughly 2,000 families that have appealed their termination. Beyond that, D.C.
    Council passed a Budget Support Act last year that included a subtitle that eviscerated the rights of
    Rapid Re-Housing participants, carving away the only thing separating many families from
    homelessness. Now, the Mayor has attempted to make more harmful and confusing changes to Rapid
    Re-Housing and the Homeless Services Reform Act (HSRA) in her proposed Budget Support Act, some
    not that are not germane to the budget. D.C. Council must remove that subtitle K from the Budget
    Support Act.

    It is time for D.C. Council to fix the Rapid Re-Housing Program by holding a hearing and passing the
    recently reintroduced Rapid Re-Housing Reform Amendment Act of 2025. Additionally, we ask that D.C.
    Council ensure that currently allocated vouchers are accessible to FRSP families, do more to mitigate
    unnecessary terminations, require accurate and transparent RRH program data and costs from DHS,
    restore due process rights of participants.

    Shelter System Reform


    DHS relocated the Virginia Williams Family Resource Center (VWFRC) to 64 New York Avenue. Even
    before the move and despite the Legal Clinic’s intervention, VWFRC denied over seventy-five (75%)
    percent of the families that sought shelter in FY24. This is an astronomical number of families to deny
    from shelter each year-so large that its presence should naturally invite further inquiry and
    investigation. DHS promised that Virginia Williams accessibility would not decrease after their move.
    However, the number of calls that we receive regarding family shelter access has dropped dramatically.
    If the family shelter acceptance numbers have not drastically increased now, the decrease in need for
    assistance must be linked to a decrease in accessibility and/or knowledge of recourse for unjustified
    denials. The Mayor’s budget also proposes over $5 million for an additional VWFRC site without any
    details. That funding can be better spent on housing resources.

    We ask this Committee to amend the Homeless Services Reform Act (HSRA) to require low barrier family
    shelter, including passage and funding of the Housing is Maternal Health Amendment Act of 2024,
    implement consistent and standardized staff training so that families are not routinely, arbitrarily, and
    unlawfully denied shelter placements, and increase reporting and data on access, eligibility, and denials
    to D.C. shelter services. Additionally, the mayor has included a major and harmful proposed change to
    the HSRA in her Budget Support Act. In it, her administration attempts to restrict shelter eligibility and
    remove the right of non-congregate shelter from families accessing emergency family shelter. D.C.
    Council should not permit or pass such substantive changes to the HSRA in the BSA.

    Non-Congregate Shelter Expansion & Storage Funding

    We ask that D.C. Council dedicate $1.5 million towards secure storage options to safeguard the
    belongings of those experiencing homelessness, ensure current and future non-congregate shelter sites
    are operated as intended, including with legal protections pursuant to the Homeless Services Reform
    Act (HSRA), and invest additional funds for future non-congregate shelter sites.
    Encampments

    D.C. Council should suspend all encampment clearings. Instead, D.C. can conduct trash only cleanings,
    provide additional trash cans at encampments, and maintain portable bathrooms and hand washing
    stations. Ending full encampment clearings saves D.C. money in a year when the D.C. funds are being
    withheld and the budget is projected to be tight. If the decision is made to impose cuts to critical human
    services in the FY26 budget due to a tight budget, there is certainly no justification for the maintenance
    of DMHHS funding in the FY26 budget that will only be used to unnecessarily clear encampments and
    cement D.C. as an arm of the federal government. Additionally, Council should create legislative policies
    that standardize requirements/criteria and definitions related to encampment evictions, establishing
    due process for encampment residents, and minimizing opportunity for random and/or politicized
    encampment evictions.

    Subtitle K of Section 4 in the BSA (also see one-pager at end of testimony)


    We strongly oppose the mayor’s major and harmful proposed changes to the HSRA in Subtitle K of her
    Budget Support Act. In it, her administration attempts to restrict eligibility to shelter, remove the right
    of non-congregate shelter from families, prohibit class actions, and further eliminate rights to Rapid ReHousing and other programs. By DHS’ own admission, there is no fiscal impact for the non-RRH related
    provisions. Those substantive changes are not germane to the budget and must be removed. Even the
    alleged fiscal savings of the RRH provisions should be carefully examined. Council should not continue to
    tolerate further deprivation of basic rights just because the Mayor alleges it will save money. For many
    years, cost savings would not be certified based on speculative reduced services in a non-entitlement
    program. The subtitle eviscerates due process—creating fewer rights and protections for participants
    than they would have in any other publicly-funded benefit or housing program. D.C. Council should
    reject and remove the entire subtitle from the Budget Support Act.

    ERAP


    The Mayor has reduced ERAP by eighty-one (81%) percent from the level D.C. Council funded in FY25,
    despite rental costs, evictions, and housing insecurity in D.C. rising. We ask that D.C. Council increase
    ERAP to at least $100M and improve the application process to ensure that it is accessible and legally
    compliant. Recent legislation narrowed eligibility. A reduction in funds makes ERAP even more
    inaccessible.


    DCHA/Public Housing

    We are pleased to see that the mayor has invested $26.2 million in public housing repairs in the FY26
    Budget, with a total of $54.2M in FY26 and FY27, but residents need more. We, along with our Fair
    Budget Coalition, ask D.C. Council to add to that investment for a recurring $60 million/year
    commitment to DCHA’s public housing preservation, renovation, and rehabilitation process. DCHA needs
    to dramatically improve operations, its delivery of services, and develop accountability mechanisms for
    the benefit of its residents. The D.C. Council should also require DCHA to issue a quarterly report that
    demonstrates how these funds are utilized and how the funds result in positive outcomes for residents
    and to DCHA properties. It is also critical to the success of DCHA’s repositioning plan that the D.C.
    Council utilize its authority to codify residents’ right to return and reintroduce and passing the Public
    Housing Preservation and Tenant Protection Amendment Act of 2020 and includes its language in the
    BSA. Additionally, to develop the agency that D.C. residents truly deserve, D.C. Council must develop a
    board structure that is focused on the agency’s mission and avoids undue mayoral influence and control.
    While the Board should have knowledge of affordable housing development, it must also prioritize a
    concern for and understanding of the people who actually live in the properties. It is crucial that the
    Board’s structure supports independent, critical, and transparent analysis in its decision making–
    especially when DCHA is conducting a massive redevelopment and rehabilitation process for multiple
    housing units that will impact thousands of D.C. residents and applicants. The Board must also include
    voting resident members, as resident expertise and direct decision-making authority is crucial for the
    success of DCHA overall and to achieve its reformative goals.

    HPTF


    We are pleased to see that the mayor increased her Housing Production Trust Fund (HPTF) investment
    to $100 million in her FY26 budget proposal, after cutting it in FY25. We hope to see D.C. continue this
    commitment, and at a minimum, sustain this level of funding going forward. The Housing Production
    Trust Fund is the primary resource and a crucial toolkit for the creation and preservation of deeply
    affordable housing for extremely low-income residents. It must be used effectively.

    The HPTF legislation explicitly mandates that fifty percent (50%) of the annual funds are for the creation
    of 0-30%AMI housing deeply affordable housing; however annual utilization continues to fall short. In
    FY22, only twenty percent (20%) of HPTF expenditure was spent on the creation of deeply affordable
    housing units. In FY23, after increased legislative oversight measures, that statistic doubled to fortythree percent (43%). DHCD projected that forty-four percent (44%) of the HPTF expenditures would be
    spent on the creation of affordable housing for those at 0-30% AMI in FY24. DHCD has yet to publish
    FY24 results. While this would be another improvement if it occurred, it still does not meet the
    legislative mandate. D.C. Council should protect and strengthen the strides it has made by maintaining
    project-based LRSP eligibility at 0-30% AMI. It must reject the RENTAL Act and the mayor’s LRSP subtitle
    that changes the eligibility for the Local Rent Supplement Program maximum from 30% AMI to 50% AMI.
    Raising the AMI level would only further incentivize developers, DHCD, and the mayor to dismiss
    housing production efforts for those who need deeply affordable housing the most.

  • Testimony of Brittany K. Ruffin, Legal Director, Systemic Advocacy and Litigation, and Charisse Lue, Attorney, The Washington Legal Clinic for the Homeless

    Since 1987, the Washington Legal Clinic for the Homeless has envisioned and worked towards a just and inclusive community for all residents of the District of Columbia—where housing is a human right and where every individual and family has equal access to the resources they need to thrive. Unfortunately, for many D.C. residents, housing opportunities seem to slip further away with each D.C. budget.

    We are all aware of the economic challenges now facing the District of Columbia and nationwide.  However, D.C. residents are struggling with a pre-existing housing crisis. Thirty-seven percent (37%) of D.C. households are rent burdened by a local average rental cost that is over $1000.00 above the national median. Approximately 50,000 D.C. households spend more than half of their household income on rent.  The U.S. Marshall service reports that eviction filings are up two-hundred fifty percent (250%).  If these trends are permitted to continue, they will undoubtedly cause an avalanche of socio-economic devastation for D.C. residents. The D.C. council must use all the necessary tools to intervene.

     We are pleased to see that the mayor increased her Housing Production Trust Fund investment to $100 million in her FY26 budget proposal, after cutting it in FY25. We hope to see D.C. continue this commitment, and at a minimum, sustain this level of funding going forward. The Housing Production Trust Fund is the primary resource and a crucial toolkit for the creation and preservation of deeply affordable housing for extremely low-income residents. It must be used effectively.

    In 2021, the Inspector General  detailed that $82 million of the HPTF money meant for 0-30% AMI was misspent. The report also indicated that DHCD could not assure that eighty-eight (88%) of the projects funded since HPTF’s creation (with approximately $795 million from the HPTF) were used for the production or preservation of affordable units, as required by the publicly funded loan agreements. This, of course, contributed to D.C.’s failure to meet the need.  Agency implementation failures impact lowest-income residents the most, often resulting in displacement and homelessness. Improved oversight and aggressive enforcement measures could have prevented such failures.

    The HPTF legislation explicitly mandates that fifty percent (50%) of the annual funds are for the creation of deeply affordable housing; however annual utilization continues to fall short. In FY22, only twenty percent (20%) of HPTF expenditure was spent on the creation of deeply affordable housing units.  In FY 23  that statistic doubled to forty-three percent (43%). DHCD also projects that forty-four percent (44%) of the HPTF expenditures will be spent on the creation of affordable housing for those at 30% AMI in FY24. DHCD has yet to publish FY24 results. While this is an improvement, if it occurs, it still does not meet the legislative mandate. D.C. Council should protect and strengthen the strides it has made by maintaining project-based LRSP eligibility at 0-30% AMI. It must reject the RENTAL Act and the mayor’s LRSP subtitle that changes the eligibility for the Local Rent Supplement Program from 30% AMI to 50% AMI.  Raising the AMI level would only further incentivize developers, DHCD, and the mayor to dismiss housing production efforts for those who need deeply affordable housing the most.

    The D.C. Council included the Housing Production Trust Fund Transparency Amendment Act in FY23’s Budget Support Act. However, additional transparency measures are necessary and should be incorporated into the legislation. The additional provisions should require DHCD to provide detailed post-completion reports on each project and publish the number of projects that have met the eligibility requirements. Additionally, the agency should include detailed data about each awardee and report the amount of the operating subsidy that is granted. Also, D.C. Council should separate the funds for the extremely low-income to avoid the misallocation of funds.  The D.C. Council must ensure LRSP funds appropriately match the HPTF operating funds for the creation of deeply affordable units. 

    The creation of deeply affordable housing is more crucial for D.C. residents than it has ever been. We strongly urge the D.C. Council to require additional transparency and reporting measures; ensure LSRP funds are matched appropriately; especially for the 0-30% AMI households and create legislative safeguards that protect funds allocated for deeply affordable units.

  • DMHHS Budget Oversight Hearing

    Testimony of Joshua M. Drumming, Policy and Advocacy Attorney, and Brittany K. Ruffin, Legal Director, Systemic Advocacy and Litigation, The Washington Legal Clinic for the Homeless

    Since 1987, the Legal Clinic has worked towards a just and inclusive community for all residents of the District of Columbia-where housing is a human right and where every individual and family has equal access to the resources that they need to thrive.

    Encampment policies have changed since last budget season. Unfortunately, nothing has improved, but several things have worsened. Normal encampment engagements once had a fourteen-day notice period. Recently, notice has been reduced to seven days. Immediate dispositions, on the other hand, allow DMHHS to clear encampments without notice as long as they pose immediate risks to health and safety. Specifically, immediate dispositions do not require notice at the encampment site or DMHHS website. DMHHS continues to weaponize immediate dispositions to displace community members and clear encampments This year, DMHHS’s Encampment Response Team (ERT) has conducted at least sixty-four engagements. Of these, at least three were immediate dispositions. While there were likely substantially more, the opacity of the immediate disposition schedule, in conjunction with a recent decrease in our access to this information, have only allowed us to be sure of three immediate dispositions.

     Encampment clearings can too easily qualify as immediate dispositions due to the nebulous nature of the “public health and safety” determination. As a result, encampments that pose no actual health or safety threat to the public are swiftly dismantled and their residents are dispossessed. Often, immediate dispositions are used for single persons. Those encampment residents often receive little to no outreach before clearings and posted signage may not even be visible. Once clearings begin, all or nearly all belongings are thrown away, despite DMHHS’s mandate to store non-trash items. The seizure and destruction of belongings during immediate dispositions without notice (or adequate notice), the requisite risk factor, due process, or post-deprivation proceedings, are likely unconstitutional and will potentially lead to unnecessary litigation.

    We urge Council to evaluate the current immediate disposition protocol and create legislative policies that standardize definitions and requirements for encampment evictions of all types, establishing due process for encampment residents and minimizing opportunity for random and/or politicized encampment evictions.

    Recently, President Trump issued an executive order calling for the beautification of D.C. by targeting any encampment found on federal land, but this is concerning for those that encamp anywhere in the District. The average D.C. resident does not know where federal land begins and D.C. land ends. This will lead to calls being made about individuals encamped on D.C. land. The federal task force this executive order creates will coordinate, when necessary, with local officials, such as the Mayor and DMHHS. Thus, this executive order creates a system that puts all encampments in the federal crosshairs; some will directly be destroyed by federal officials, while others will be taken down by DMHHS under the auspices of the federal government.

    D.C. Council should suspend all encampment clearings. Instead, D.C. can conduct trash only cleanings, provide additional trash cans at encampments, and maintain portable bathrooms and hand washing stations. Ending full encampment clearings saves D.C. money in a year where over a billion dollars was stripped from the budget. If the decision is made to impose cuts to critical human services in the FY26 budget due to a tight budget, there is certainly no justification for the maintenance of DMHHS funding in the FY26 budget that will only be used to unnecessarily clear encampments and cement D.C. as an arm of the federal government. Additionally, Council should create legislative policies that standardize requirements/criteria and definitions related to encampment evictions, establishing due process for encampment residents, and minimizing opportunity for random and/or politicized encampment evictions.

    Housing and benefits are what preclude homelessness. When DC decides to defund those and allocate all of its resources towards the affluent, they are deciding to prioritize those with abundance over the elimination of homelessness and the mitigation of poverty.

  • Testimony of Brittany K. Ruffin, Legal Director, Systemic Advocacy and Litigation, and Charisse Lue, Attorney, The Washington Legal Clinic for the Homeless

    Since 1987 the Legal Clinic has worked towards a just and inclusive community for all residents of the District of Columbia–where housing is a human right and where every individual and family has equal access to the resources that they need to thrive.

    The District of Columbia is currently facing unprecedented challenges; however, D.C. public housing residents have had to endure deplorable and dangerous conditions for decades, despite their longstanding advocacy for change. D.C. Housing Authority is now executing plans for a large-scale public housing demolition and renovation of many of its properties. We are pleased to see that the mayor has invested $52.4 million in public housing repairs in the FY26 Budget, but residents need more. We, along with our Fair Budget Coalition, ask D.C. Council to add to that investment for a recurring $60 million commitment to DCHA’s public housing preservation, renovation, and rehabilitation process. DCHA needs to dramatically improve operations, its delivery of services, and develop accountability mechanisms for the benefit of its residents.  The D.C. Council should also require DCHA to issue a quarterly report that demonstrates how these funds are utilized and how the funds result in positive outcomes for residents and to DCHA properties. It is also critical to the success of DCHA’s repositioning plan that the D.C. Council utilize its authority to codify residents’ right to return and reintroduce and passing the Public Housing Preservation and Tenant Protection Amendment Act of 2020 and includes its language in the BSA.

    Additionally, to develop the agency that D.C. residents truly deserve, D.C. Council must develop a board structure that is focused on the agency’s mission and avoids undue mayoral influence and control. While the Board should have knowledge of affordable housing development, it must also prioritize a concern for and understanding of the people who actually live in the properties. It is crucial that the Board’s structure supports independent, critical, and transparent analysis in its decision making– especially when DCHA is conducting a massive redevelopment and rehabilitation process for multiple housing units that will impact thousands of D.C. residents and applicants. The Board must also include voting resident members, as resident expertise and direct decision-making authority is crucial for the success of DCHA overall and to achieve its reformative goals.  D.C.’s rental market is unique. UPO reported in 2022 that 44,000 D.C. households spend at least half of their income on rent. A March 2025 report showed D.C.’s average rent rose 3.3% since 2024 despite a downward trend nation-wide. Evictions rose to a 10-year high. It is more vital than ever that the D.C. Council makes safe, affordable housing a nonnegotiable priority.

     DCHA must aggressively lower its vacancy rate in its public housing properties.  D.C. Council also needs to fund a greater number and greater diversity of housing vouchers, especially since so many are losing vital resources. The Mayor’s proposed FY26 budget only makes a small investment in new Permanent Supportive Housing (PSH) vouchers administered by DHS. The mayor’s budget proposal neglects to invest in housing voucher resources for families and individuals that do not receive intensive services from DHS. We need voucher availability through Local Rent Supplement Program (LRSP) tenant vouchers directly from DCHA and DHS-based vouchers. Last budget season, D.C. Council funded some PSH and LRSP vouchers, but DHS’ lack of transparency reduced this number to less than D.C. Council intended. D.C. Council must fund more vouchers and make sure that agency misappropriation does not happen again.

     Additionally, the mayor has included major and harmful proposed changes to the HSRA in her Budget Support Act. In it, her administration attempts to restrict eligibility to shelter, remove the right of non-congregate shelter from families, and further eliminate rights to Rapid Re-Housing and other programs. These substantive changes are not germane to the budget. D.C. Council must reject and remove the entire subtitle from the Budget Support Act.

    This is not the time for D.C. Council to abandon its values and fail to invest in its residents and the most fundamental of human needs: housing.  The WLCH is hopeful that the D.C. Council accepts our budgetary and policy recommendations and use its budgetary authority to ensure DCHA becomes an agency that D.C. residents can rely on to provide safe, healthy, and affordable housing for the most vulnerable.

  • Testimony of Joshua M. Drumming, Policy and Advocacy Attorney, and Brittany K. Ruffin, Legal Director, Systemic Advocacy and Litigation, The Washington Legal Clinic for the Homeless

    Since 1987, the Legal Clinic has worked towards a just and inclusive community for all residents of the District of Columbia-where housing is a human right and where every individual and family have equal access to the resources that they need to thrive.

    D.C.’s rise in unaffordability is an annual occurrence but this year has seen D.C.’s economic standing shaken by outside factors. We are in a crisis and what D.C. Council does in this budget will determine whether D.C. residents are able to survive it. This budget will serve as a lifeboat for those that need one or a weapon that further displaces D.C. residents of color. The time is now for D.C. Council to invest in permanent housing vouchers, reform Rapid Re-Housing, reject the HSRA BSA subtitle, increase rental assistance, and enhance and improve the current and future shelter system.

    Ending Homelessness

    The local and national economies are in dire straits and D.C. residents need District intervention to weather existent and future economic storms. Many that are housed today lie on the precipice of homelessness. To end homelessness and combat the lack of affordable housing, D.C. must fund and utilize all of the diverse types of vouchers available. This budget adds very few vouchers despite vouchers being among the most effective means of ending homelessness. The administration’s practice of underfunding DHS and utilizing funding for other things has led to a massive reduction in housing resources for residents that desperately need them. D.C. Council must ensure that DHS and DCHA have the requisite staffing and coordination for participants to be quickly identified and approved for permanent housing resources and to swiftly lease up

     Last year, Point-in-Time data showed a fourteen percent (14%) increase in homelessness and a thirty-nine (39%) percent increase in family homelessness, D.C. evictions reached a ten-year high, ERAP funding saw a forty (40%) percent drop, and hundreds of families were purged from Rapid Re-Housing. Despite these facts, the 2025 PIT numbers show a curious decrease in homelessness. Advocates have questions and concerns about how data is gathered, omitted, and interpreted to reach such a conclusion. A lack of investment in housing resources will not lead to a decrease in homelessness.

    After a few years of no voucher investment by the mayor, we appreciate that the mayor’s FY26 budget includes some voucher investment. However, we know that D.C. needs a greater number and diversity of vouchers to successfully meet the needs of those experiencing homelessness. D.C. Council must commit to funding more than the 156 PSH vouchers for D.C.’s unhoused community. Last budget season, in an effort to minimize the harm caused by DHS and stop homelessness for participants, D.C. Council funded 325 Permanent Supportive Housing (PSH) vouchers, but a lack of budget transparency from DHS reduced this number to only thirty-eight (38). That cannot happen again. Additionally, PSH is a necessary, but high-barrier program. If the 156 vouchers are exclusively earmarked for those being exited from FRSP, some of those may need to be converted to other vouchers to be accessible to current FRSP families. The Mayor’s allocation of D.C. Flex for RRH families should also be converted to permanent vouchers because D.C. Flex will not maintain housing for families that do not have substantial income.

    We, along with our coalition partners, request the FY26 budget meet the full housing needs of D.C. residents by funding enough vouchers to permanently house approximately 6,000 households. Specifically, we are asking for the following:

    ProgramHouseholdsCost
    Permanent Supportive Housing-Families764Approximately $30.03M
    Targeted Affordable Housing3,058Approximately $93.01M
    LRSP Tenant Vouchers800Approximately $17.33M
    PSH-Individuals1,260 (for 3 consecutive years)Approximately $36.6M
    LRSP Vouchers for Returning Citizens60Approximately $1.3M
    Outreach—–Approximately $6.4M
    Total5,942Approximately $184.67M

    We ask that D.C. Council increase oversight of DHS and DCHA to promote more efficient voucher administration and to reduce bureaucracy that prolongs homelessness due to delays in distributing and utilizing vouchers. D.C. Council must also increase funding for all permanent voucher programs and increase investment in homelessness outreach services.

    Rapid Re-Housing Program Reform

    The Rapid Re-Housing Program (RRH) has exacerbated housing insecurity through poor program administration. Ninety-seven (97%) percent of its participants are unable to afford rent upon program exit and it has failed to reliably evaluate participants for permanent programs in which to transfer. Data shows that eighteen (18%) percent of new family shelter entries came from Rapid Re-Housing. Without any targeted educational/job training or job placement, families in Rapid Re-Housing only saw a fourteen percent increase in their incomes over the course of their time in the program and individuals in Rapid Re-Housing actually saw their incomes fall by ten percent while in the program. Neither group can afford market rent at the conclusion of their participation. The Mayor’s budget guts the Rapid Re-Housing program and does nothing to offset the damage. This will increase D.C. homelessness.

    Last year, DHS began terminating 3,000 families for reaching an arbitrary twelve-month time limit. Hundreds have lost their subsidy and even more would have, but for the roughly 2,000 families that have appealed their termination. Beyond that, D.C. Council passed a Budget Support Act that included a subtitle that eviscerated the rights of Rapid Re-Housing participants, carving away the only thing separating many families from homelessness. Now, the Mayor has attempted to make more harmful and confusing changes to Rapid Re-Housing and the Homeless Services Reform Act (HSRA) in her proposed Budget Support Act that are not germane to the budget. D.C. Council must remove that subtitle from Budget Support Act.

    It is time for D.C. Council to fix the Rapid Re-Housing Program by holding a hearing and passing the recently reintroduced Rapid Re-Housing Reform Amendment Act of 2025. This act is the culmination of years of advocacy from RRH families, D.C. organizations, and individuals, and previously supported by D.C. Council. Among other things, this legislation prohibits terminations based on reaching arbitrary time limits if the family cannot afford market rent on their own, ensures participants only pay thirty (30%) percent of their income in rent, requires evaluation for permanent housing resources, and makes case management truly optional.

     The fiscal impact has yet to be determined, as DHS has resisted providing RRH program data and costs for a fiscal impact statement (FIS). DHS cites budgetary constraints as their reason for not being able to maintain the households already placed in Rapid Re-Housing but continues to offer Rapid Re-Housing to new families. We ask that D.C. Council ensure that allocated vouchers are accessible to FRSP families, do more to mitigate unnecessary terminations, require accurate and transparent RRH program data and costs from DHS, restore due process rights of participants, and pass and fund the Rapid Re-Housing Reform Amendment Act.

    Shelter System Reform

    DHS relocated the Virginia Williams Family Resource Center (VWFRC) to 64 New York Avenue. Even before the move and despite the Legal Clinic’s intervention, VWFRC denied over seventy-five (75%) percent of the families that sought shelter in FY24. This is an astronomical number of families to deny from shelter each year-so large that its presence should naturally invite further inquiry and investigation. DHS promised that Virginia Williams accessibility would not decrease after their move. However, the number of calls that we receive regarding family shelter access has dropped dramatically. If the family shelter acceptance numbers have not drastically increased now, the decrease in need for assistance must be linked to a decrease in accessibility and/or knowledge of recourse for unjustified denials. The Mayor’s budget also proposes over $5 million for an additional VWFRC site without any details. That funding can be better spent on housing resources.

    We ask this Committee to amend the Homeless Services Reform Act (HSRA) to require low barrier family shelter, including passage and funding of the Housing is Maternal Health Amendment Act of 2024, implement consistent and standardized staff training so that families are not routinely, arbitrarily, and unlawfully denied shelter placements, and increase reporting and data on access, eligibility, and denials to D.C. shelter services.

    Additionally, the mayor has included a major and harmful proposed change to the HSRA in her Budget Support Act. In it, her administration attempts to restrict shelter eligibility and remove the right of non-congregate shelter from families accessing emergency family shelter. D.C. Council should not permit or pass such substantive changes to the HSRA in the BSA.

    Non-Congregate Shelter Expansion & Storage Funding

    We ask that D.C. Council dedicate $1.5 million towards secure storage options to safeguard the belongings of those experiencing homelessness, ensure current and future non-congregate shelter sites are operated as intended, including with legal protections pursuant to the Homeless Services Reform Act (HSRA), and invest additional funds for future non-congregate shelter sites.

    ERAP

    The Mayor has reduced ERAP by eighty-one (81%) percent from the level D.C. Council funded in FY25, despite rental costs, evictions, and housing insecurity in D.C. rising. We ask that D.C. Council increase ERAP to at least $100 million and improve the application process to ensure that it is accessible and legally compliant. Recent legislation narrowed eligibility. A reduction in funds makes ERAP even more inaccessible.

    Conclusion

    Many low-income D.C. residents feel like they are being assailed from all sides. The federal government is doing much to strip away protections and economic security from U.S. citizens, and this is more acutely felt in the District of Columbia than in most places. Now, more than ever, D.C. residents need a D.C. government that stands up and supports them. D.C residents need a budget that does not avert its eyes from the economic suffering of the most vulnerable and provides a rainfall of support to D.C.’s droughted human services sector.

  •  Testimony of Joshua M. Drumming, Policy and Advocacy Attorney, and Brittany K. Ruffin, Director of Policy and Advocacy, The Washington Legal Clinic for the Homeless   

      Since 1987, the Legal Clinic has worked towards a just and inclusive community for all residents of the District of Columbia-where housing is a human right and where every individual and family have equal access to the resources that they need to thrive.  In the last year, virtually every part of D.C.’s housing infrastructure has been compromised, making mere survival harder for everyday D.C. residents.  The social safety net that many D.C. residents depend upon is already facing threats federally. D.C. residents need D.C. Council to invest in permanent housing resources, reform Rapid Re-Housing, improve rental assistance, improve the shelter system, and make D.C. a place where more than just the wealthiest residents can survive.  

    Ending Homelessness   

     To end homelessness and combat D.C.’s affordability crisis, D.C. must use and appropriately fund all of the different types of vouchers available.  D.C. Council must ensure that DHS and DCHA have the requisite staffing and coordination for participants to be quickly identified and approved for permanent housing resources and to swiftly lease up. Agency bureaucracy prolongs homelessness. Sadly, two-thirds of the unhoused people who died in 2023 were identified for (matched to) a voucher. This testimony will detail a variety of changes in D.C.’s housing apparatus that make vouchers possibly more important than they have ever been before.  D.C. Council must also increase oversight of DHS and DCHA to promote more efficient voucher administration, utilization, and staffing.   

    Rapid Re-Housing Reform  

    Rapid Re-Housing (RRH) was created to support families and individuals experiencing tough financial times, offering the support necessary to establish greater financial stability and sustain permanent housing.  Unfortunately, it has actually contributed to housing instability and trauma through its “one-size-fits-all” model that cycles the lowest-income residents in and out of homelessness. Poor program administration has fostered a program where at least ninety-seven (97%) percent of its participants are unable to afford market rent upon exit and a tangled web of legislative and regulatory changes has made the program less comprehensible. In fact, families in Rapid Re-Housing only saw a fourteen percent increase in their incomes over the course of their time in the program. Conversely, individuals in Rapid Re-Housing actually saw their incomes fall by ten percent while in the program. 

    DHS, seeking to “right-size” the program, put forth a plan to terminate over 3,000 families between 2024 and 2025 for reaching an arbitrary twelve-month time limit, with no consideration as to what would happen to terminated families after their subsidies end. DHS is actually ahead of its mass termination schedule, as they have already given notices of exit to 2,908 families. Of these, approximately 555 families have already been exited without a way to maintain their housing The primary reason that more have not been exited is because nearly 1,900 families have appealed their termination through a process that intentionally diminishes and obfuscates participants’ expectations and rights.  Even formerly established rules, such as those that preclude exit when a participant is matched to permanent housing, are routinely ignored. Due process rights have been desolated, allowing program participants that have received no promised services to be exited without true legal recourse. The appeal process—of which DHS serves as, both, judge and jury—makes decisions based on a single metric: whether you have or have not reached twelve months in the program. This mockery of a process was emphasized by the DHS announcement, only two weeks into the new fiscal year, that there would be no FY25 program extensions due to an exhaustion of funds.    

    Last budget season, in an effort to minimize the harm caused by DHS and stop homelessness for participants, D.C. Council funded 325 Permanent Supportive Housing (PSH) vouchers and 126 Local Rent Supplement Program (LRSP) vouchers. Unfortunately, due to its own budgeting errors and lack of transparency with D.C. Council, DHS later reported that only thirty-eight (38) out of the 325 PSH vouchers could actually be funded for FY25. Additionally, to minimize the problem her agency created, Mayor Bowser was able to get DCHA to agree to direct 1,300 HCVP vouchers to exited families. Unfortunately, with approximately 3,000 families in the exit pipeline and no sign of exits slowing, there is still an insufficient amount of housing resources to prevent homelessness for all of these participants.  

    It is time for D.C. Council to remedy these issues by passing the Rapid Re-Housing Reform Amendment Act of 2025. Recently re-introduced, this legislation enjoys broad support from RRH participants, advocacy organizations, and community members. Many have advocated for this legislative reform for years and D.C. Council has shown support for it. Among other things, this legislation prohibits terminations based on reaching arbitrary time limits if the family cannot afford market rent on their own, requires evaluation for permanent housing programs, ensures participants only pay thirty percent (30%) of their income in rent, and makes case management truly optional. As of now, this legislation has not been set for a hearing. We ask this Committee to quickly set a hearing date, so that this reform can move forward and end the uncertainty many D.C. families are currently experiencing.

    ERAP 

    The Emergency Rental Assistance Program (ERAP) helps D.C. residents maintain housing and avoid eviction. Due to a recent legislative overhaul, it is now primed as a vehicle for eviction. This change weakens tenants’ ability to seek eviction stays, removes almost all self-attestation for those in situations that need it, and introduces a narrow definition of emergency. These emergency changes were made, largely, in response to landlord complaints and threats about the future of D.C.’s affordable housing infrastructure. However, the advocate community has yet to see any corroborating evidence that ERAP, as it was, imperils this infrastructure. In lieu of evidence, D.C. Council has relied upon unsubstantiated allegations of fraud, racist tropes, and classist myths about low-income, Black people. Instead of advancing legislation that expands access and improves DHS’s poor ERAP administration, emergency legislation was passed to expedite and increase tenant evictions.   

    Homelessness has increased in D.C. by fourteen (14%) percent. Inflation has increased by twenty-three (23%) percent since 2020. Despite narratives that landlords have not been able to successfully utilize the eviction process, data shows that evictions in D.C. actually reached a ten-year high in 2024.

    We ask D.C. Council, in permanent legislation, to increase oversight to require regular reporting on ERAP administration and distribution, including timelines, staffing, and delays of administering organizations. D.C. Council must also increase landlord accountability in this process, establishing minimum standards for participation and cooperation with ERAP when a tenant is seeking assistance. When landlords refuse to cooperate, tenants should not have to bear the consequences.   

    Shelter System Reform  

    Family homelessness has increased thirty-nine percent (39%) since 2023. It is likely that changes in various parts of D.C.’s housing infrastructure will lead to increases in the shelter system. Thus, it is incumbent upon D.C. Council to make these sites safe and accessible. This accessibility is threatened by the Virginia William Family Resource Center’s recent move to 64 New York Avenue. While DHS assured D.C. Council that their services would remain just as accessible as they were in their Rhode Island location, this is not the case. A core part of the Legal Clinic’s services is assisting families in accessing shelter after they have been unjustifiably denied by Virginia Williams Family Resource Center. Prior to the relocation, our community engagement team was regularly at the site to do outreach to denied families and connect them with attorneys. DHS has alleged that, under its new lease, it can no longer have visitors. As a result, DHS alleges that Legal Clinic and other organizations can no longer have access. Since families seeking emergency shelter are also visitors, the assertion is unusual. If we are kept out of Virginia Williams, we are certain that even more families will remain on the street or in unsafe conditions. This is inevitable if they cannot connect with assistance and are unaware of their rights under the HSRA, particularly during hypothermia season.  This Committee should ensure transparency and accessibility.   

    According to DHS’ oversight responses, even before the move to 64 New York Avenue and despite the Legal Clinic’s support and intervention, Virginia Williams Family Resource Center denied over seventy-five percent (75%) of the families that sought shelter in FY24. Seventy-five percent is an astronomical amount of families to deny from emergency shelter each year—so astronomical that its presence should naturally invite further inquiry and investigation. Curiously, Virginia Williams Family Resource Center’s acceptance rate thus far this fiscal year mirrors the FY24 rate. In fact, the current FY25 acceptance rate is only two-hundredths of a percent away from the FY24 rate (24.45% vs. 24.47%).  It is concerning when only twenty-five percent of families in need are able to secure access to safe shelter. D.C. Council should utilize its oversight to require regular reporting as to the reasons for family shelter denials.  Additionally, D.C. Council should amend the HSRA to mandate low-barrier shelter access and implement consistent and standardized staff training so that families are not routinely, arbitrarily, and unlawfully denied shelter placement. 

    Conclusion  

    It is time for D.C. to return to being a city for all. That is only possible through deep and intentional investment in its housing and human services infrastructure. D.C. Council must provide greater oversight of DHS and its contracted partners in order to improve programs and eliminate practices that unfairly target low-income residents and to expedite processes that are meant to support all within D.C.’s housing apparatus.

  • Testimony of Charisse Lue, Attorney, and Brittany K. Ruffin, Director of Policy and Advocacy at The Washington Legal Clinic for the Homeless

    Since 1987, the WLCH has envisioned and worked towards a just and inclusive community for all residents of the District of Columbia—where housing is a human right and where every individual and family has equal access to the resources they need to thrive. Unfortunately, for many D.C. residents, basic survival is an overwhelming challenge.

    The District of Columbia has a worsening affordable housing crisis. In 2024, homelessness in D.C. increased by fourteen percent (14%), including a dramatic thirty-nine percent (39%) increase in family homelessness since the previous year. The latest Housing Profile report from NLIHC shows that over 50,000 D.C. renters have extremely low incomes (0-30% AMI) and 75% of extremely low-income households are severely burdened with housing costs. There is no indication that these trends will reverse without aggressive intervention. It is as important as ever that the Housing Production Trust Fund is well funded, and its mission protected: to preserve and create affordable housing for D.C.’s most vulnerable households including and especially those that fall at and below 30% AMI. A fundamental contributor to homelessness and housing instability in D.C. is that there is a dearth of deeply affordable housing (housing for those at 0-30% AMI). Despite this, the funding of the creation of deeply affordable housing continues to fall short of the HPTF’s requirement that fifty percent (50%) of its funds be used for 0-30% AMI.

    In FY 2021, only thirty percent (30%) of the funds were expended on the creation of deeply affordable housing units. In FY 2022, the percentage decreased to nineteen (19%). The FY 2023 HPTF Annual Report indicates that forty-three percent (43%) of HPTF funds were obligated to support deeply affordable housing, a substantial improvement from previous years and still not where it should be. However, the progress thus far is evidence of the impact of stronger oversight and increased agency intent.  Due to years of failing to prioritize the preservation and creation of deeply affordable housing, the need still far exceeds availability.  It is as crucial as ever that this Committee continues to use aggressive oversight measures to ensure that the HPTF is allocated as legally prescribed, adheres to its mission to prioritize preserving and creating affordable housing for the lowest income households, and is effectively used to combat the worsening crisis of affordability. 

    In 2022, the Council passed the Housing Production Trust Fund Accountability and Transparency Amendment Act, to require additional and comprehensive reporting to Council, but data and reporting requirements should go further. Incorporating additional provisions from the previously introduced Housing Production Trust Fund Transparency Amendment Act of 2021 that require public transparency regarding project selection and completion would further increase accountability. While DHCD has made some progress on its general reporting, the annual reports fail to include and disaggregate key data. For instance, the annual reports fail to indicate the level of affordability for each project. This Committee and Council need to ensure that DHCD timely complies with all reporting mandates, including regularly updating quarterly reports on its website for public access. Currently, in 2025, the most recent quarterly report accessible to the public is from 2022. The Council should use its oversight powers to ensure that DHCD produces accurate reporting that disaggregates crucial data and increases transparency.  WLCH maintains its previous recommendation that, Council should also consider separating out half of the HPTF meant for extremely low-income housing to protect the investment, avoid further misallocation, and encourage greater accountability.  

    The data is clear that a failure to prioritize the preservation and creation of deeply affordable housing is contributing to an increase in homelessness and displacement, particularly for Black D.C. residents who are the most impacted by homelessness and the largest racial wealth gap in the nation. D.C. Council can demonstrate its commitment to solving our affordable housing crisis by creating safeguards and enforcing those safeguards to ensure that the Housing Production Trust Fund is used as intended and as prescribed.

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